While I was recording the audio version of my latest book, “The Good, the Black and the Boujee,” I was reminded of a significant issue that many black Britons face regarding the perception of middle-class status as being associated with white individuals. After my recording session, I went upstairs in search of familiar faces from my publishing team before braving the heat for my bike ride home. To my dismay, the office was nearly empty, and I departed shortly thereafter. As I put on my helmet and joined the other middle-class commuters clad in cycling attire, I encountered an unexpected situation.
Upon nearing the exit, the reception staff greeted me with expressions of relief. They informed me that an alarm had been triggered due to concerns about a possible intruder on the top floor. It turned out that this “intruder” was a courier who had somehow made their way past the loading bay and into the editorial area. It took me a moment to realize that the courier in question was actually me.
Although I found the incident amusing rather than offensive, it highlighted a pattern of misidentification that many black professionals experience. In 2020, Edward Enninful, the first black editor-in-chief of Vogue, shared a similar story of being mistaken for a courier by security personnel at the magazine. Additionally, black barristers have reported being presumed to be defendants in court, while black politicians are often mistaken for support staff in Parliament. These seemingly trivial instances of social profiling reveal a more profound truth: while the black professional class in Britain has grown significantly, public perceptions of blackness remain largely unchanged.
In the UK, being black often comes with the assumption of being part of the working class. This stereotype obscures the class distinctions that exist between the black working class and the emerging black bourgeoisie. The black Britons who have come closest to power are typically those who were either born into the middle class or who quickly ascended to that status. Despite their ability to exert considerable cultural and political influence, this demographic is relatively new, having developed over just the past five decades, leading to their sensibilities and behaviors being largely overlooked until now.
Recognizing a lack of data on this professional demographic, I initiated a comprehensive study involving 1,460 black professionals to explore their wealth, education, and political choices. My findings identified three distinct groups within the black British middle class: the “emerging black middle class,” often from lower-income backgrounds; the “traditional black middle class,” who frequently encountered racial minorities in their social circles; and the “black elite,” which includes prominent families like the Casely-Hayfords and self-made individuals such as Stormzy and business executive Dean Forbes.
The journey of writing this book began at a crucial juncture for the black middle class, following the events of 2020 when the Black Lives Matter movement gained significant traction. Many black individuals started to demand recognition and inclusion in societal discussions. I recall seeing a protest sign that referenced Jay-Z’s lyrics, celebrating the rise of black excellence. As contributions to BLMUK surged from white supporters seeking to address their guilt, the organization’s leadership faced scrutiny for reallocating some funds to grassroots initiatives, with some critics arguing that these donations should have supported black-owned businesses. I found this criticism to be both misguided and enlightening.
In the wake of George Floyd’s death, black elites began to raise their voices more prominently. Enninful’s account of being profiled resonated during a moment of public awareness, where discussions of racism became more prevalent than the content on his magazine’s covers. This elite class temporarily expanded during the BLM movement, as there was a concentrated effort to enhance black representation in high-level positions. There were notable achievements, such as the first black British photographer to feature on the front cover of British Vogue and the appointments of privately educated black individuals to the boards of major institutions like the Southbank Centre and the National Portrait Gallery. While it seems that the black middle class has been the primary beneficiary of the BLM movement, their achievements have been inconsistent.
Currently, the presence of black professionals in various sectors faces numerous political and legal challenges. Initiatives aimed at providing internships to black students are being vehemently contested, and right-wing media outlets have been critical of high-level black appointments in significant institutions, labeling them as “DEI hires.”
I believe that a genuine opportunity for broader racial justice has been co-opted by Britain’s aspiring elites, who sought to reinforce their social positions. During the 2020 protests, internet personalities with minimal historical awareness were elevated as representatives of black Britain, lacking the understanding of the scholarship and activism that have shaped our current circumstances. The demands of the UK BLM movement were varied, but many coalesced around calls for increased representation in media and on corporate boards, as well as higher compensation for black influencers, overshadowing critical issues like racial bias in housing that disproportionately affects impoverished black individuals. Ironically, these racial justice protests occurred during the UK’s most diverse government in history, undermining confidence in electoral politics to serve the needs of black voters.
Within the black British community, a pervasive sense of status anxiety has emerged among the developing middle class. A class position that once promised stability has become increasingly precarious. In 2001, approximately 70% of black individuals in the UK resided in London; 25 years later, this figure has dropped below 50%, even though most of the professionals I surveyed expressed a desire to live in the city if financially feasible. Today, a generation of black professionals nearing middle age, having attained multiple degrees and earning decent incomes, faces an uncertain future.
