In December 2018, while serving as the defence minister, I unintentionally provided misleading information to Parliament. When questioned about whether blood samples had been taken from military personnel for radiological monitoring during nuclear testing, I conveyed the Ministry of Defence’s response, which stated that it was “unable to locate any information” regarding such samples.
However, I have since learned that the situation was quite different, as these samples were indeed collected across various branches of the armed forces. Unfortunately, veterans seeking compensation for serious health issues resulting from radiation exposure have been unable to access these records. This situation represents one of the most significant scandals in British history, and it requires urgent attention.
Over 20,000 military personnel participated in numerous nuclear tests and nearly 600 radiation experiments, primarily conducted between 1952 and 1967, throughout the Cold War. These tests were deemed essential to assess the effectiveness of our nuclear arsenal and to evaluate how well our military could respond if the Soviet Union deployed its own nuclear weapons against us. Testing occurred in locations such as the Australian desert and Christmas Island in the Pacific, with some personnel even exposed to radioactive clouds from allied and enemy detonations. Yet, their medical records from that time are largely absent.
Other nuclear powers, including the United States, France, and the Soviet Union, similarly conducted tests but acknowledged their actions and established compensation programs for veterans who later developed severe health issues. In contrast, the UK has placed the onus on veterans to substantiate their claims. This poses a significant challenge, as many essential records from decades past are missing or difficult to obtain.
In 2007, around 1,000 veterans from the nuclear tests, along with their families, took legal action against the Ministry of Defence (MoD) seeking compensation. Pilots were ordered to navigate through mushroom clouds, and service members were exposed to fallout while operating in contaminated areas. Some even witnessed nuclear detonations from distances as short as two miles from ground zero. Clearly, these individuals deserved better treatment.
The gravity of the situation deepens as the MoD created a searchable database called Merlin in response to the veterans’ legal claims, tasking the Atomic Weapons Establishment (AWE) with compiling relevant documents. This effort resulted in over 28,000 documents concerning radiation, safety measures, health monitoring, and known biological impacts of the tests. However, veterans’ legal representatives could not easily access this extensive archive. Thanks to exceptional investigative work by journalist Susie Boniface, historical documents referencing blood and urine testing began to surface.
Upon reviewing this evidence, I raised the issue in November 2022 as chair of the defence committee. The MoD finally conceded that the AWE possessed records of blood test results and urine radioactivity measurements for “a small number of individuals.” This realization took me back to my earlier parliamentary response from four years prior.
I confronted then-defence secretary Ben Wallace, questioning why the existence of this information had not been communicated to ministers. He acknowledged that withholding such crucial medical data would be “deeply wrong” and promised to investigate further.
As inquiries progressed, searches of the Merlin database for “blood” and “urine” uncovered 151 relevant documents. However, a subsequent software update hindered the AWE’s ability to provide a historical audit trail showing who accessed Merlin.
In 2024, following the general election, the government finally mandated an investigation into the blood and urine testing conducted during the nuclear tests. The findings, released in July, were alarming. Evidence suggested that medical examinations or blood testing were necessary for “the majority, if not all” of the UK’s nuclear testing period across all branches of the armed forces. Strangely, the review claimed to have found no evidence of intentional concealment.
After seven decades of incomplete information and ministers kept uninformed, it is unacceptable for this issue to remain unresolved. Had veterans and their physicians been aware of the complete facts earlier, many cancers and other illnesses could have been diagnosed sooner, potentially saving lives.
The Merlin database is now set to be transferred to the National Archives. However, declassifying 28,000 documents for public access will take time and does not equate to providing veterans with the answers they deserve. Many of these individuals are now in their 80s and 90s.
Given the large number of veterans involved and the prolonged duration of this issue, this is arguably one of the most significant scandals in Britain, alongside the infected blood controversy, the Windrush scandal, and the Post Office debacle. It calls for an official apology from the Prime Minister, the establishment of an independent tribunal to uncover the truth, and a compensation scheme for veterans and their families akin to those provided in the United States.
These men served their nation, yet their nation has failed them. Seventy years later, veterans should not still be battling their own government for the truth.
Tobias Ellwood, a former defence minister, is also the author of “Ten Steps to Prevent World War Three.”
