“What an extraordinary transformation!” exclaimed a visiting expatriate, captivated by Kerala’s impressive road network, as he spoke to Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. This phrase has become a staple in Vijayan’s rhetoric, serving both as a personal testament to his ten-year tenure and as a humorous tagline that underpins the campaign of the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) in the lead-up to the upcoming Kerala Assembly elections.
In the run-up to the 2021 elections, Vijayan was depicted as the leader steering the state through a turbulent period marked by crises such as floods, the Nipah virus outbreak, cyclone Ockhi, and the Covid-19 pandemic. Now, after securing another term, he is being presented as the architect of Kerala’s transformation. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) has adopted the slogan, “If not LDF, then who?” Given Vijayan’s firm grip on both the party and the government, a more fitting query might be, “If not Vijayan, then who?”
Despite this apparent self-assurance, as Vijayan seeks a third consecutive term, he is cautious not to leave any details overlooked. A series of controversies, including allegations of gold theft at Sabarimala and money laundering connected to his daughter’s business, along with disappointing results in local elections, have posed significant challenges for the CPI(M).
During the final stretch of the campaign, the 81-year-old Vijayan has been actively traveling across the state, addressing up to four rallies daily as the April 9 election approaches.
On March 30, his SUV arrived at a convention ground in Kottarakkara, located in the southern Kollam district, where party candidate K N Balagopal paused his speech to give a brief welcome. Upon exiting the vehicle, party supporters raised their fists in solidarity, chanting, “Comrade Vijayan, lead us” and “Salute to Pinarayi Vijayan.”
Vijayan bypassed the waiting leaders and proceeded directly to the stage. After receiving a brief introduction from a local official, he calmly outlined his administration’s accomplishments. He urged the audience to support Balagopal, concluded his remarks, and exited the stage while onlookers expressed admiration and respect. There were no selfies, handshakes, or hugs.
This methodical approach to campaigning mirrors Vijayan’s personality—minimalist, disciplined, and purpose-driven.
Vijayan’s journey from Pinarayi village, the site of the first official gathering of the undivided Communist Party of India in 1939, to the pinnacle of state leadership exemplifies the consolidation of political power within a party framework.
Throughout his six-decade political career, Vijayan has remained steadfast to the party’s principles, even when faced with dissenting leaders and factions. Regardless of whether they were allies, adversaries, or former mentors, he has seldom allowed personal feelings to interfere with his political strategies, earning him a reputation as a hardliner.
In 1986, when CPI(M) dissident M V Raghavan posed a significant challenge within Kannur, Vijayan, then serving as district secretary, demonstrated his organizational skills by preventing the defection of party members to Raghavan’s faction. With the backing of CPI(M) supporters, he ensured that Raghavan, a formidable leader, did not seize control of local party offices. In an ironic twist, Raghavan’s son M V Nikesh Kumar currently leads Vijayan’s social media campaign.
Another pivotal moment in Vijayan’s career occurred in 1996 when he became the electricity minister under the CPI(M) government led by E K Nayanar. Two years later, he transitioned from the Cabinet to become the party’s state secretary following the death of his predecessor, Chadayan Govindan. V S Achuthanandan, a prominent figure in the party, appointed Vijayan to this key position to counter the influence of the CITU faction. Over the following years, however, the relationship between Vijayan and Achuthanandan deteriorated.
For a decade and a half, Kerala’s political landscape was shaped by the rivalry between Achuthanandan and Vijayan. While Achuthanandan garnered mass support, Vijayan remained focused on party discipline, sidelining several leaders loyal to Achuthanandan. Nonetheless, he strategically utilized Achuthanandan’s popularity during the election campaigns of 2006 and 2011.
By 2015, when Vijayan concluded his tenure as the longest-serving state secretary, he had effectively quelled all dissent within the CPI(M).
When he assumed office in 2016, the CPI(M) had unified under his leadership. With no significant opposition and the party’s influence waning nationwide, the Kerala unit that Vijayan commanded emerged stronger than ever. After a decade in power, the distinction between Vijayan and the party has blurred, especially in Kerala, where the CPI(M) remains in control.
Under Vijayan’s leadership, operational efficiency has become a standard rather than a mere slogan. With the party firmly under his influence, he has managed to temper its more aggressive elements, including the trade union CITU and the student wing SFI, facilitating a range of reforms in industry and education. The practice of ‘nooku cooli’—workers demanding pay without working—was abolished, leading to a significant reduction in lost working days due to labor disputes. In the state-run transport corporation, historically plagued by strikes, the government began hiring bus crews on a daily wage basis. Regulations were relaxed, bureaucratic hurdles were removed to improve the business environment, and industrial parks were expanded, while startups received support through the Kerala Startup Mission.
The CPI(M) also shifted away from its previously obstructive stance toward central infrastructure projects that had been stalled for years due to party-led protests, including the GAIL pipeline and land acquisition for national highways. Projects such as National Highways and the state’s Hill Highway, intended to connect remote hilly regions, were revitalized.
During the CPI(M) state conference in 2025, Vijayan’s influence played a crucial role in advancing his development agenda.
