The Good Friday Agreement emerged as a beacon of hope for Northern Ireland, symbolizing remarkable political leadership that brought an end to decades of conflict known as the Troubles.
Signed on April 10, 1998, this landmark accord initiated a lasting peace that is often cited as a blueprint for conflict resolution globally. However, as Northern Ireland approaches the 28th anniversary of the agreement this Friday, the mood is one of disappointment.
While there is appreciation that violent incidents have ceased, there is also a significant sense of disenchantment—almost despair—regarding the political landscape. The Stormont estate, which houses the region’s executive and assembly, has become synonymous with inefficiency.
The main political factions in the power-sharing government, Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), are embroiled in ongoing disputes that have considerably obstructed legislative progress and effective governance, leading to a perception of stagnation and neglect. A January opinion poll indicated that only 25% of respondents felt the devolved government had positively impacted their lives.
Claire Hanna, an MP and leader of the opposition Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), criticized the current political void, stating, “There is nobody really in charge. There is no strategy. Nobody’s taking even a medium-term sense of control or direction.”
The health sector is experiencing a crisis, characterized by overwhelmed emergency services and some of the longest waiting times in the UK for patients. Infrastructure issues, including deteriorating roads and failing water systems, hinder housing development. Additionally, pollution has severely affected Lough Neagh, which provides 40% of the region’s drinking water, contaminating it with antibiotic-resistant bacteria.
Andrew Muir, the environment minister from the centrist Alliance Party, acknowledged the significance of the Good Friday Agreement but expressed concern that nearly three decades later, Stormont is failing to deliver tangible benefits. “The challenges that I have faced as minister perhaps demonstrate very clearly the need for reform of those institutions,” he remarked.
Muir highlighted how the power-sharing structure allows parties to obstruct previously agreed-upon initiatives, such as the creation of an independent Environmental Protection Agency. He pointed out, “Far too often the institutions as they’re designed incentivize and enable crisis and collapse and deadlock and delay rather than collaboration and consensus.”
Two years ago, Stormont experienced a brief period of optimism. Following several collapses in which the DUP and Sinn Féin alternately boycotted the power-sharing arrangement, devolved governance was restored in February 2024.
The appointment of Sinn Féin’s Michelle O’Neill as the first nationalist first minister brought a historic significance to the event. She celebrated this new chapter, asserting, “The public rightly demands that we cooperate, deliver and work together.”
Emma Little-Pengelly, the DUP’s deputy first minister—who shares equal power but possesses less prestige—echoed her sentiments, stating, “There can be no dominating from one to the other, but a new approach of recognizing the concerns of each other and finding solutions together.”
However, relations between the two dominant parties, which collaborate with the Alliance and the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), have soured. Ministers have clashed over various issues, including job titles, the Irish language, and street signage, while assembly members have garnered attention for trivial matters, passing only 12 bills, most of which were administrative.
Assembly speaker Edwin Poots expressed disappointment over members delivering rehearsed speeches aimed at social media rather than genuine debate. He faced backlash for taking an all-expenses-paid trip to Barbados while the assembly was in session.
Further discontent arose when assembly members approved a salary increase that raises their annual pay from £53,000 to £67,200 starting this month. Columnist Suzanne Breen of the Belfast Telegraph criticized this move, stating, “We have a talking shop that fails at basic governance. Political failure is being rewarded, and it’s a kick in the teeth to voters of all hues.”
Malachi O’Doherty, author of “How to Fix Northern Ireland,” pointed out that around 80% of voters continue to align along tribal lines. “What we’ve got is a political system which is constructed around basically a sectarian contest. No political party gets penalized for poor performance,” he noted.
O’Doherty further argued that the 2006 St Andrews Agreement, which modified the rules at Stormont, exacerbated competition between Sinn Féin and the DUP while sidelining more moderate nationalist and unionist options. He predicted that the forthcoming assembly election in 2027 would once again be dominated by the rivalry for the first minister position. “It’s all identity politics; everything else is peripheral,” he asserted.
Analysts suggest that the DUP has initiated conflicts with Sinn Féin to solidify its support base and counteract challenges from rival unionists. Such tensions can also bolster Sinn Féin by mobilizing nationalist voters. Neither party provided comments when approached.
O’Doherty proposed that there is no longer a necessity to force the two parties into a contentious partnership, advocating for a majority voting system that would allow for alternating power while incorporating centrist parties to provide a moderating influence.
Muir reiterated that power-sharing remains essential but must be amended to prevent any single party from obstructing proposals or undermining institutions, especially those related to scientific matters. “There should be no place for people to use vetoes around measures that are designed to protect our environment,” he emphasized.
The SDLP has suggested three reforms: eliminating the symbolic hierarchy between the first and deputy first ministers by referring to them as joint first ministers; adjusting voting protocols for the assembly speaker; and abolishing the single-party veto on the formation of the executive. “Power-sharing can work,” Hanna stated, “It’s how parties are choosing to operate it.”
Some observers believe the prevailing sense of gloom is exaggerated. Paul Bew, a historian and cross-party peer who has played an advisory role, noted that there are still opportunities for progress despite the current challenges.
