For years, Hungary’s state media served as a tool for the government, promoting Prime Minister Viktor Orbán while disparaging his perceived adversaries, including philanthropist George Soros and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. However, with the recent inauguration of Péter Magyar, marking the conclusion of Orbán’s 16-year tenure, the future of these once influential media outlets hangs in the balance.
Concerns about the potential fallout from this transition are palpable among state media employees. “There’s a lot of uncertainty. How extensive will this purge be?” one employee remarked to the Guardian, echoing the sentiments of another colleague who expressed a sense of unpredictability about the future.
The anticipated shift in Hungary’s media landscape comes as Magyar and his Tisza party assume power following a decisive electoral victory. This transition is particularly significant on a global scale, as it may offer insights into how nations confront far-right movements akin to Orbán’s regime.
Since his rise to power in 2010, Orbán and his Fidesz party have transformed Hungary’s media environment, fostering a narrative that glorified their administration while undermining opponents. This has led to a dramatic decline in press freedom, creating a reality where many citizens are misinformed.
Following last month’s election, Magyar, who had been disparaged by state media during the campaign as a puppet of foreign interests and a traitor, pledged to halt state media operations, labeling them a “factory of lies” comparable to the propaganda of North Korea and Nazi Germany. He intends to introduce a new press law and establish a media authority to ensure that state media can operate under improved conditions and fulfill its intended purpose.
This presents a unique opportunity for Hungary to confront its historical media failures, according to Gábor Polyák, a media law and policy professor at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest. “This represents our best chance in Hungary’s history,” he stated.
Under Orbán’s leadership, the media landscape bifurcated, with approximately 80% being controlled by Fidesz loyalists, including both state-run and private outlets that received significant state support. In contrast, independent media outlets struggled to survive amid ongoing attacks from Fidesz, ranging from smear campaigns to bureaucratic obstacles designed to drain their resources.
According to Reporters Without Borders, Orbán’s tactics have been remarkably effective. “Without resorting to imprisonment or violence against journalists, press freedom predator Viktor Orbán has nearly eradicated independent journalism in Hungary,” remarked Thibaut Bruttin, the organization’s director general.
Nonetheless, the recent elections highlighted the resilience of the independent media, which continued to expose corruption and favoritism surrounding the Fidesz party. “In recent months, independent journalists played a crucial role in dismantling the Orbán regime,” Polyák noted.
The political climate, exacerbated by rising living costs and declining social services, has made the public more receptive to the hard-hitting journalism that independent reporters have provided. As these journalists uncovered numerous scandals—ranging from questionable imports by Orbán’s associates to the government’s subservient stance towards Moscow—Magyar incorporated their findings into his campaign, reaching audiences that had previously been limited to Fidesz-controlled narratives.
While some Fidesz-affiliated media companies are expected to endure the governmental transition due to their popularity, Polyák predicts a downsizing of this media empire. “Ultimately, it will be a smaller entity, and its loyalty to Orbán will depend on his future position,” he added, expressing uncertainty about the fate of Fidesz and Orbán himself.
The election results have also revealed a desire for change. Shortly after Magyar’s victory, over 90 journalists from MTI, a venerable state news agency, signed a letter advocating for the reinstatement of “editorial autonomy.”
Krisztina Balogh, a former state media employee from 2016 to 2018, remarked, “Public media was not about informing the public; it was about crafting narratives.” She recounted how scripts for live coverage of state events were pre-written with government-sanctioned guidelines on acceptable language. “Editors were directed to use specific terms: migrant, Brussels, terrorism,” she explained, noting that reports were frequently revised to align with the government’s agenda.
The objective was clear: to incite fear among the populace. “Instead of encouraging critical thinking, they conditioned people to respond with fear and suspicion. Millions believed they were consuming genuine news,” she stated.
In the wake of Magyar’s sweeping electoral win, emotions are running high within state media. “Frankly, what Magyar said was rather ambiguous. What does it mean to shut down state media?” questioned an MTI employee, who preferred to remain anonymous. “However, there’s a shared hope among us, irrespective of political beliefs, for a return to a fair and impartial news service.”
Many long-time employees of state media have endured years of government interference, feeling they had limited alternatives. According to one state radio employee, those who chose to leave often faced the repercussions of Fidesz’s extensive influence. “They targeted you to ensure you couldn’t secure another job,” she explained, highlighting the challenges faced by those who stood against the regime.
