In April of last year, Vladimir Putin made a visit to Bauman Moscow State Technical University, located along the Yauza River in eastern Moscow, which is renowned for housing some of Russia’s leading scientific talent.
During his visit, he explored the university grounds, interacted with students, and proudly discussed Moscow’s ambitious aspirations for future lunar and Martian missions. “You possess all the necessary skills to be competitive,” Putin assured the attendees.
However, the official report from the Kremlin regarding Putin’s visit omitted mention of a clandestine division within the university, referred to as Department 4, or “Special Training.”
This secretive department is responsible for grooming a select number of students for careers in the GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency, notorious for its cyber intrusions into Western governments, the assassination of dissidents abroad, and interference in electoral processes in both Europe and the United States.
Until this point, the department’s role in training future intelligence operatives has largely remained under wraps, known only to a few insiders.
“In some cases, you are initially identified while still in school, then transition to Bauman before joining the services… it’s part of a pipeline,” explained a former high-ranking Russian defense official.
The revelation of this pathway, linking one of Russia’s most prestigious academic institutions directly to its military intelligence framework, comes to light through over 2,000 internal documents obtained by a collective of journalists from six media organizations: the Guardian, Der Spiegel, Le Monde, the Insider, Delfi, and VSquare.
The documents, spanning several years of operations up to 2025, encompass course outlines, examination results, faculty contracts, and the career trajectories of specific graduates, illustrating their transition from classroom training in hacking and misinformation to assignments in some of the most infamous cyber units within the Russian military intelligence system.
Bauman, established in 1830 and recognized as one of Russia’s foremost technical universities, has been transparent about its connections to the military. It has historically produced engineers and scientists responsible for developing Soviet military technology, and this practice continues today.
An internal letter from 2013, reviewed by the Guardian and addressed to former defense minister Sergei Shoigu, indicated that Bauman conducts more research and development than any other higher education institution in Russia, with over 40% of its work benefiting the Ministry of Defense.
Department 4, which is integrated within the university’s military training center, appears to be organized into three specialized areas, with the most notable being the “Special Reconnaissance Service,” identified by the code 093400.
The documents suggest that the GRU plays a pivotal role in overseeing the recruitment and evaluation processes, dispatching its officers to administer exams, endorse candidates, and monitor placements. This structure blurs the lines between academic instruction and intelligence recruitment.
Lt. Col. Kirill Stupakov, a signals intelligence officer and head of the department, reportedly signed a three-year contract in 2022 with GRU Unit 45807, a significant segment of the agency. His current status in active service remains unclear.
At Bauman, Stupakov instructs students in electronic surveillance and covert operations. Materials reviewed by journalists reveal a curriculum focused on deception techniques, including devices that masquerade as everyday items while functioning as surveillance tools.
Another educator referenced in the documents is Viktor Netyksho, a major general sanctioned by the West, who once led Unit 26165—known as Fancy Bear—whose members have been indicted by the U.S. for their involvement in the 2016 presidential election interference.
A key course within the program is titled “Defense Against Technical Reconnaissance.” Spanning 144 hours over two semesters, it covers a variety of hacking techniques, including password attacks and software vulnerabilities, as well as the creation of malicious programs that can infiltrate systems.
To successfully complete the course, students must conduct “practical penetration tests,” and one module is entirely dedicated to the development of computer viruses.
Additionally, the curriculum includes lessons on the organizational structures of U.S. and British military intelligence. Separate sessions discuss the utilization of Western intelligence in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine and the evolution of adversarial reconnaissance and strike drones used on the battlefield.
Beyond hacking, the program also delves into information warfare. Advanced students are required to participate in a seminar focused on devising disinformation campaigns, where they must produce social media content utilizing “manipulation, pressure, and hidden propaganda.”
Students receive training in psychological manipulation techniques aimed at shaping audience perceptions of information.
The educational resources are infused with pro-Kremlin narratives, asserting that the conflict in Ukraine was “inevitable,” that “nationalists and neo-Nazis” hold power there, and that Russians in the Donbas region are facing “genocide” supported by European nations.
In recent years, Western intelligence agencies have increasingly highlighted the extent of Russian cyber activities. A report released in February by Dutch intelligence indicated that Russia has been amplifying its hybrid operations throughout Europe, combining cyberattacks, sabotage, and influence tactics targeting vital infrastructure.
On April 15, Sweden’s civil defense minister, Carl-Oskar Bohlin, publicly accused Russia of routinely conducting destructive activities.
